Introduction
²œ
Religion
had a very significant influence on political questions in early seventeenth
century New England, and these questions were of crucial importance in the
first decades, the decades of the foundation of a new world in the wilderness.
Undeniably, religion and Puritanism in particular were the principal driving
forces that helped shape the early political life of the area. However, so many
books and articles have been published on the subject since the 1950s that one
might feel entitled to wonder whether yet another study of an aspect of the
northern English colonies in America was needed.
For
several decades, it has been almost commonplace to claim that everything has
been said about Colonial New England and Massachusetts in particular. Indeed,
for three centuries now, and especially since the second half of the nineteenth
century, many a book has been published dealing with British North America. It
would seem, at first glance, that every field of the social history of the
region has had its monograph(s) or set of scholarly articles. Likewise, it
would appear that, since the history of the colonies in general seemed
complete, historians resorted to local studies. Researchers newly engaged on
the field of seventeenth-century New England are therefore entitled to feel
somewhat discouraged at first.
However,
if we consider that history is never complete, never final, and always subject
to reinterpretations, that new evidence can be discovered, that primary sources can always been given
fresh rereading, and what becomes secondary sources be criticized, then we find
ample room for fresh contributions and reassessments of familiar themes. This
is all the more necessary when years have elapsed without any new publication.[1] The student must therefore not
think him- or herself bound to focus on the life of some obscure protagonist.
Authoritative authors need to be challenged, and the classic books containing
the accepted theories and interpretations need to be reassessed. This has been
done and must continue to be done.
Accordingly,
seeing that the most important books were published at least two decades ago,
especially between the 1950s and the 1960s, and a few in the 1970s, it does not
seem inappropriate to reexamine some aspects of the history of
seventeenth-century New England. What we understand here by New England is
Massachusetts, since it was by far the biggest and most influential colony;
Plymouth, which though never prominent deserves some attention as compared to
Massachusetts; Connecticut and New Haven are interesting insofar as they were
offshoot of Massachusetts, so they can be compared and contrasted with it very
judiciously; finally, Rhode Island, as the counter-example, since it was
created as a reaction to the Massachusetts policies.
The
previous mention of the seventeenth century as the time-span for this study
must also be clarified. It seems logical to start in 1620 since it was the year
of the Charter of New England and of the Mayflower Compact, the year when it
all started. Of course we shall have to look back, for example when looking at
the Charters of Virginia to assess the relative position of New England in
Colonial British North America. As for the end of our time-span, logic would
have it that we should stop in 1691, when the Colonies were merged into a Royal
Province, therefore extending our study to the whole of colonial history (as
opposed to provincial history). However, we think it more reasonable to focus
on a shorter period of time, and since we shall be dealing primarily with a
mixture of political and religious issues and with the concept of theocracy, we
have limited this thesis to what Kenneth Lockridge has called the "Puritan
period" of colonial New England, stopping in the 1660s.[2] Two dates prove particularly
convenient for stopping there: 1662, the year of the Halfway Covenant, and
1664, when the suffrage requirement in place since the early years was altered,
when the restriction of the franchise to members of the Congregationalist
churches of New England was modified, and when economic qualification entered
at the level of the Colony after its earlier introduction at the level of
towns.
This
study will start with an analysis of the two sources of influences in the
shaping of the political, legal and judicial systems in New England, namely the
official line drawn by Royal authorities in the form of charters and the
religious impulses and aspirations generated by the settlers' radical beliefs,
as they can be found in the covenants the immigrants entered into. We shall
also examine the evolution and the shaping of the political system, as well as
the fascinating fields of criminal law and of the punishment of crime and sins.
While keeping an eye upon the social assumptions shared by the main political
actors, these questions will enable us to determine, or reassess, the amount of
theocracy, democracy (a tendency toward wide participation) and aristocracy
(the desire to keep the exercise of power within the hands of the best, most
virtuous and godly, citizens), and to question some misleading but widespread
oversimplifications.
Indeed
most historians claim, erroneously we believe, that since the clergy was barred
from civil office, then the line between Church and State was more firmly drawn
than in contemporary Europe, and consequently, Massachusetts and New England
could not be theocracies. This is an oversimplification which does not reflect
the very complex relations between Church and State in early New England. We
shall therefore, through an analysis of the State and of the forces exerted
thereon, try to gather clues toward a fresh interpretation of these relations.
Consequently, we shall try to assess the level of theocracy, and also of the
importation of English features of government, legislation and justice. The
judicial systems of Old and New England must be compared to determine whether
the process of emigration was more innovative or conservative. We shall then
examine the laws as theoretical bodies and assess the Scripturality of the laws
of New England, with systematic reference to the laws contained in the Bible.
Of course, we shall go beyond the level of the theory and examine the practice
too, to determine what the reality of law and justice was. Finally we shall
focus on the relations between religious affairs and civil justice, especially
when religious dissent was concerned. We shall see that the web is tangled
indeed and a clear-cut answer to the question of theocracy impossible.
Similarly,
oversimplifications and bias have caused successive waves of historians to see
and describe the political systems of New England in antithetical ways. For
example Massachusetts in its early years has been described as democratic,
oligarchic, and even dictatorial. The task of giving a clear qualification to
the political systems is therefore a very sensitive one indeed, which makes it
all the more challenging. Through a systematic analysis of the successive
constitutional changes and a close attention given to political labels such as
"democracy", "oligarchy" and "aristocracy", we
shall try to draw a clearer picture of the political systems at play during the
few decades herein studied. The mention of constitutional changes refers to the
evolution of the requirements for the franchise and especially in the light of religion,
but also to the struggle over written codifications of legal bodies, and to
attempts at changing the situation by political opposition, with the example of
Robert Child.
This
double analysis of the political system will be the bulk of our study. However,
we cannot start by either of these subjects. Logically we have to start by an
examination of the charters, grants and patents, insofar as they shaped
institutions and patterns of both government and society for decades to come.
They must be considered as the basis upon which the settlers had to build their
world. Moreover, the most important clause of the Charter of the Massachusetts
Bay Company was the missing clause which enabled the settlers to transfer the
Charter to Massachusetts and the Company with it, putting it and themselves out
of the direct reach of the Crown. All that happened thereafter would not have
occurred without this transfer, which itself would not have been legally
possible had the missing clause been inserted.
We
shall see that by shaping the most basic political institutions, the charters
were part of the dual influence on the settlers. These documents were the
official, political influence upon which the Puritans had to make do, but the
emigrants had their own profound motivation, which was not political nor
economic, but unequivocally religious, in the form of the Special Commission,
which consisted in building the New Jerusalem according to the laws of God.
This Special Commission was famously expressed by John Winthrop in his Modell of Christian Charity (1630), and
also in the form of covenants, or agreements or social contracts with which
churches and towns were founded. The very conciseness of these documents can
make them deceptively simple. The innovative approach here will be to focus not
on the Federal School of theologians - early seventeenth-century Puritan
ministers who considered the covenant as the most fundamental tool in theology
- but on the concept of covenant as it appears in the Bible, and especially in
the Old Testament.
No serious assessment of democracy, aristocracy/oligarchy, theocracy and the transfer of culture can be made without a sound understanding of the political, legal and judicial implications of the charters, and of the covenants as vehicles of the Special Commission, and without remembering that it was the duality of these influences that made the originality of the New England way.
[To Chapter I - Grants, Patents and Charters]
[1] A few books about which I
read only very recently have been published since T.H. Breen's Puritans and Adventurers: Change and
Persistence in Early America, Oxford University Press, Oxford and New York,
1980, and David Grayson Allen's In
English Ways: The Movement of Societies and the Transferal of English Local Law
and Custom to Massachusetts Bay in the Seventeenth Century, University of
North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill, 1981. However, they do not seem to deal
specifically with political issues and religion in the way this study does.
Moreover, the "classics" of the historiography of seventeenth-century
New England do not seem to have been revolutionarily challenged. Lastly, the
last articles of the William and Mary
Quarterly dealing specifically with issues herein covered date back to the
late 1970s.
[2] Kenneth Lockridge, A New
England Town: The First Hundred Years, Yale UP, 1970, 120