2.
The
Covenants of the New Englanders
In New England we find
two types of covenants, civil and religious: the Church covenant and the State
covenant. In the Puritan Tradition, the religious covenant can be seen as the
founding principle of congregationalism. Indeed, a congregational church is not
born before a community of like-minded Puritans agree to live, behave and above
all worship, according to the word of God, as they could explicitly find in the
Scriptures.[7] The congregational church was
self-governing in so far as its members elected its minister, the elders and
the other leaders, and it was independent because it was not subjected to any
bishop or higher body, apart from God. There was no intermediary between God
and His congregations. Naturally, the pledge of obedience was a written
covenant, in the Protestant tradition of literacy and of the supremacy of the
written text over the oral tradition.
The
Covenant was not only the basis of all religious congregations, the Puritans
believed it was also the basis of all nations. Obviously if a civil society is
founded with the same tool as that used to found a church, it is the sign that
the founders consider that religion is the foundation upon which the civil
state must be built. The signatories combined themselves freely and willingly
"into a civil body politick"[8] as well as to a religious
congregation, and coercion was totally absent from these texts and this theory.
When laws were drafted, they were subjected to the consent of the governed,[9] even though we may wonder to whom
this term actually referred; and once they were passed, they had to be obeyed,
which is not a problem when you consent to the law. Nothing was coercively
imposed on an unwilling population: in Dedham for instance, if one disagreed
with the laws and the form of government, they were perfectly allowed to leave
and let the community of like-minded people remain together subjected to their
covenant, and thereby obeying God's laws since it was what covenants were all
about. However, one might claim that the notion of consent and the absence of
coercion apply only to the founding and founders of those so called
oligarchies.[10] Later applicants had to fit in the
standards set by the founders of the church to gain citizenship, as we shall develop
throughout chapter 3. Oligarchy at the level of the town was probably as
desired as not. First it would secure a core of godly church members, which was
essential. This selectivity was responsible for some sort of screening, and
prevented any comprehensive enfranchisement and church membership. Only the
godly, the saints, the chosen ones, those who could show they would be saved,
could qualify for church membership and then consequently for citizenship.[11] As in any selection, some would not
make it and would not be allowed in. Yet those who would operate this selection
must have cherished the hope that the whole community might be able to prove
themselves saved and to be accepted into the church and as a consequence as
citizens, unless they were women, and at that time women did not even dream
about voting and holding office. Centuries would pass before that happened.[12] Consent was thus a very relative
notion. It roughly meant that nobody was forced into church membership.
However, church member or not, every single inhabitant of the colony was
expected to live according to the laws of God, since a breach of a divine
article meant a breach of a civil or criminal law, and as such was punishable
by the State.[13]
The Puritans believed
God had given them a Special Commission. As John Winthrop had declared in his Modell of Christian Charity (1630),
"we are now entered into a Covenant", whereas he nor the other
passengers had signed any such document.[14] The Covenant was implicit; they
were to make it explicit once arrived. The sheer fact that they wrote covenants
implied that they would have to submit unquestionably to the principles or
clauses set out in them: submission and obedience were a matter of course.[15] Therefore it might be far-fetched
to see the covenants only as guarantees to an orderly society. The Puritans who
emigrated to New England may have been obsessed with the idea of sin as an
obstacle on the path to salvation and with the omnipresence of the Devil and
evil in general but this feature must not be exaggerated nor become a
caricature. And yet to a certain extent the very nature of the population and
of the experiment - the exceptional, larger-than-life dimension - conveys a
sense of the fear of failure[16]. The whole experiment could be
ruined - New Jerusalem would fail to be established and the Charter could be
confiscated - if leaven[17] contaminated these pure yet fragile
communities, weakened by their economic dependency and the fact that they were
not self-supporting. That way, by making every signatory pledge himself to obey
devoutly the requirements of the covenants, they would satisfy God's will and
secure peace and uniformity, and therefore stability, the sine qua non for success in the wilderness. Although all the covenants
herein studied contain provisions urging submission to the Law in order to secure
internal peace and consequently the safety of the experiment, only the Mayflower Compact can be seen entirely, we believe, as a pragmatic
prerequisite for survival with ungodly men in the wilderness.
Before studying this
document in particular, we must note that, at the level of New England as a
whole, the population was composed of two groups, only one of which was
motivated by religion. Either the members of that group wanted to worship
according to the principles they thought right and thus to separate - hence
"separatism" - from a Church of England they found too hopelessly
corrupt to be altered from any internal influence, or they wanted to establish
the Kingdom of God on Earth altogether, because they thought they had a Special
Commission from God, and that it was part of their contract, the part they had
to fulfill in order to get their heavenly reward: salvation. Unlike Saul, they
were expected by their leaders - and ultimately by God - to obey every single
article of that commission.[18]
That
latter group made up the bulk of the population of New England. Even among
them, there were or would be dissenters who would be unquestionably Christians
and Protestants, and even Puritans whose conception of religion differed very
slightly and on tiny technical details.[19] Aside from these intellectual
dissenters there would also be simple people who, though unequivocally
religious themselves, would not be ready or capable, not godly enough, to
follow the rules of the Saints. In other words there would be sinners among the
Saints.[20]
Furthermore, they would
not all be repentant sinners trying to resist temptation but eventually
failing. Some Englishmen emigrated out of economic reasons, only or mostly to
improve their economic condition. It must be kept in mind that it was a time of
land hunger in England, and America was advertised there as a whole continent
of virtually free land. Furthermore, it was also already advertised as a land
of freedom from interference of the crown in people's religious life and from obstructive
economic regulations.[21] The problem with these people, in
the eyes of the Saints, was that they were not the type of neighbors wanted and
looked for in an attempt to build the purified New Jerusalem they believed they
had been sent across the ocean to erect. These neighbors would have a
corrupting influence on the purifying process. They were the leaven.
It might have been less
so at the time when the Pilgrims landed in Plymouth. But the presence of two
antagonistic groups was at the root of the drafting of the Mayflower Compact, the first American civil covenant and one of the
most important documents in the history of British North America. The Pilgrims
were a minority aboard the Mayflower.
Indeed, the thirty-five emigrants from Leyden were outnumbered by the sixty-six
West-Country men whom the Company had assigned to them to increase the odds of
survival. Had more Separatists joined their brethren from Leyden to America,
there might not have been question of additional West-Country settlers, there
would not have been question of the Mayflower
Compact at all. Typical of West-Country men, these were not Puritans, or if
they were, they were very moderate Puritans who could not measure up to the Pilgrims
in terms of godliness.[22] They were more interested in
economic betterment than by spiritual fulfillment, and rather than evangelizing
the Indians, they would do their best to take advantage of them for the fur
trade.
The Pilgrims had not
crossed the Atlantic in order to establish the Kingdom of God as the Puritans
who settled Massachusetts did. And, had they been on their own, that is without
the West-Country men, they probably would not have needed any regulation on,
say, adultery, for it would have been totally irrelevant in a world of godly
men and women. What they wanted to do was just worship as their consciences
dictated them and as if they had stayed in England. They just could not remain
over there because they were not safe, and they were no longer satisfied with
their lives in the Netherlands.[23] Emigration now seems a natural
process for Separatists, but the only institution they rejected was the Church
of England and not necessarily the Crown - since Arminianism would not be on
the agenda before another few years - or even less the laws and customs of
England. Yet they did not want to be ruled by materialistic men who probably
saw them as stern and self-righteous Puritans, in the original offensive
meaning.
During the crossing, the
West-Country men had already tried to challenge the authority of the Pilgrims.[24] To secure their position as leaders
of the colony, the latter needed to get the free men - the only people who
would have a say in the political life in New Plymouth, as opposed to servants
- to pledge their obedience to certain principles and to the laws that would be
established, to abide by the rules, and for that purpose they drafted a written
document that was to be signed, probably in order to keep trace of the
agreement in case a dispute should arise.[25] It was natural and legitimate that
the Pilgrim Fathers should rule since they had originated the project. They had sent agents to negotiate a
patent from the Council of New England. In their eyes, they were the instigators, and the West-Country men had only been
invited to join the experiment to increase the chances of survival.[26] If they did not want Puritan neighbors
they might as well have stayed in England, or sailed to Jamestown.
The Mayflower Compact differs from other Covenants in that the
"laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions and officers" to which the
signatories were required to obey must only be "just and equal." This
makes the document read like a compromise between laymen and people concerned
about religion, which was actually the case, so that authority would not be
unduly challenged. Very differently, and perhaps slightly more explicitly, the
signatories of the Watertown Covenant of July 1630 were required to
"observ[ing] and keep[ing] all His [God's] statutes, commands, and
ordinances, in all matters concerning our reformation; his worship,
administrations, ministry, and government[27]", and there the Bible is
referred to as "the most clear Light and infallible Rule, and
all-sufficient canon".[28] Therefore, in the Watertown Covenant,
the divine injunctions and regulations were to apply to all the layers of life,
from the observance of the cult to government. The Dedham Covenant (1636)
considered the Bible as "that most perfect rule, the foundation whereof is
everlasting love", whereas the Covenant of Exeter of 1639 demanded to set
up a government "agreeable to the will of God" but at the same time
"professing ourselves subjects to our Sovereign Lord King Charles"
and asking for submission to "such godly and Christian laws as are established
in the realm of England to our best
knowledge[29]", this last clause being
probably a qualification and a means to allow innovations and departures, just
like the "not repugnant" and "as near as can be" clauses
that can be found in the charters and patents. Moreover, in their subsequent
oath, the people (as opposed to the rulers, who had to swear a different oath),
were to "submit ourselves to be ruled
and governed according to the will and Word of God[30], and such wholesome laws and ordinances as shall be derived
there from[31] by our honored rulers and the
lawful assistants, with the consent of the people": the laws were to be
derived from the Word of God, that is from the Bible. The Kingdom of God - as
demanded in the Special Commission - was actually being established since His
laws were to be the laws of the land. The notion of consent reappears, applying
to "the people", a very ambiguous term throughout the history of
British America to say the least.
This emphasis on being
ruled as well as worshipping according to the true will of God was the
manifestation of a certain rejection of the Church of England, in spite of the
apparent loyalty to the Crown that can be found in the Exeter Covenant, and
more ironically in the Mayflower Compact.[32] It is quite striking in the opening
sentence of the Watertown Covenant, claiming that the signatories have
"through God's mercy, escaped out of the Pollutions[33] of the World." It was a basic
feature of Puritanism, and of Protestantism in general, not to withdraw from the
world, as monks had done, but to live in it, not to withdraw to a sin-free
environment, but on the contrary, as John Winthrop explains in his Journal or in his Experiencia, to face temptation and sin, and to resist and fight it
that way, which was even more of a challenge.[34] Therefore, if they could not run
away from the corruption of the world, they were fleeing the corruption of
England and particularly of her established Church since, as the same John
Winthrop stated as one of his nine Reasons
For The Plantation Of New England (1629), "the fountains of learning and religion are corrupted"
and given the state of desolation of the Europeans Churches, New England would
be a refuge - a "shelter and a hiding place" - for the chosen ones
when the great calamity that Winthrop and others had foreseen would break out.[35]
Even more remarkable
than the Watertown Covenant is the Dedham Covenant, written in 1636. Indeed it
contains a fairly unique clause which can be called religious screening. The
signatories promised "by all means [to] labor to keep off from us such as
are contrary minded, and receive only such unto us as may be probably of one
heart with us" and therefore to expel and not tolerate among them any dissenter.
They would be a tightly-knit community of like-minded Puritans, and they would
therefore live in an idealistic - utopian? - harmony, unlike the other communities
which accepted, willingly or not, people with whom they would sooner or later
disagree. This clause was unique in so far as it was the only one in which
there was a fairly precise rejection of, not only the Church of England, but of
any form of dissent as well. By advocating total isolation, at least in terms
of population control, it took the separatism inherent to congregationalism to
an extreme. And if this might reflect what most New Englanders thought, it is
the only occurrence where it is explicit.[36]
Maybe less spectacular
but none the less revealing of the will to break from the Church of England are
clauses advocating the administration of religion according to the true will of God, thereby referring to
the settlers' opinion of what the true religion was. Now that they had made it
across the ocean, which John Winthrop took as a sign that God had sealed the
Covenant with them[37], the reassuring words of the Humble Request pledging allegiance to
the Church of England, seemed far back in time.[38] However, John Beardsley has claimed
that the Humble Request was not just
a diplomatic move to gain the royal favor in spite of all the rumors that were
probably to be heard at the time, it was equally a satirical coded farewell
pamphlet.[39]
In the same way as the
Charter of the Massachusetts Bay Company had its "missing clause"
concerning the place where the Company was to hold its meetings, the Covenants
all lacked an important explicit provision: none specified who was clearly
entitled to sign the covenants. The only one in which some sort of answer can
be found is the Dedham Covenant. It was stipulated therein that any landholder
must pay the taxes that would be imposed upon him, and that he should submit
freely (note the unwanted irony[40]) to the laws that would be passed
afterwards. Probably the most distinctive feature of politics and religion in
seventeenth-century New England was the difference between churchgoers and
church members: to become a communicant, and thus a member of the church and
consequently a enfranchised freeman, one had to prove to the other members that
one had experienced the conversion, that one had become a visible saint, regenerated
and saved. However, this was stipulated in no covenant. It is of the utmost
importance to study the links between church membership and citizenship to
start assessing the theocratic dimension of New England and to try to determine
the nature of the system of government as well as the dynamics of politics in
Massachusetts in particular.
[To
Chapter III]
[Back to Table of Contents]
[7] This information can be
considered as common knowledge since a great majority of books at least allude
to this practice. For a particular example, see Lockridge, A New England Town: The First Hundred Years, 25ff.
[8] The words appear in The Mayflower Compact, 1620.
[9] The consent of the governed
is the right of the governed to have a voice in the affairs of the community.
Therefore, see chapter 3 for the diverging views of the magistrates and the
freemen on participation.
[10] Indeed we may wonder whether
we are dealing with oligarchies or aristocracies. In the next chapter, we shall
closely examine the meaning of terms like democracy, aristocracy and oligarchy
and determine which can be used to describe the system(s) of government in New
England. See the Dedham Covenant.
[11] A law was passed in the first
year that restricted citizenship to members of a congregational church. This
will be thoroughly examined in chapter III.
[12] There seem to have been no
such demand on the part of women. I have found no mention of New England
suffragettes.
[13] This theme of crime and sin
will be developed in chapter IV.
[14] In 1630, only the Mayflower
Compact and the Salem Covenant had been written.
[15] Also see Winthrop's Little Speech on Liberty (1645) for the
idea of subjection and its importance in a civilized community.
[16] This can be found in
Winthrop's Modell of Christian Charity,
as a repetition of 2 Chronicles 7:20 which reads "Then I will pluck them
by the roots out of my land which I have given them; and this house [Israel],
which I have sanctified for my name, will I cast out of my sight, and will make
it a proverb and a byword among all nations".
[17] See Matt. 16:6, "Take
heed and beware of the leaven of the Pharisees and of the Sadducees." The
leaven is a famous metaphor for an element of corruption.
[18] This Biblical example is John
Winthrop's, as it appears in his Modell
of Christian Charity: "When God gives a Special Commission He looks to
have it strictly observed in every article. When he gave Saul a commission to
destroy Amaleck, He indented upon him certain articles, and because he failed
in one of the least, and that upon a fair pretence, it lost him the kingdom,
which should have been his reward, if he had observed his commission." The
original story can be found in 1Samuel Chapter 15: God's commandment was that
Saul must "smite Amaleck and utterly destroy all they have" (15:3),
which included "man, woman, infant and suckling, ox and sheep, camel and
ass." But Saul decided to spare "all that was good" (v9),
meaning the best animals, to sacrifice them to God to honor Him, hence the
"fair pretence" alluded to by Winthrop. Therefore God was angry and
refused Saul the kingship of Israel, and He justified Himself saying "for
rebellion [namely disobedience] is as a sin as witchcraft [itself a capital
crime, see Ex. 22:18] and stubbornness is as iniquity as idolatry [capital as
well]. Because thou hast rejected the word of God, he hath rejected thee from
being king." (1Sam. 15:23).
[19] See the cases of Anne
Hutchinson and Roger Williams in chapter IV.
[20] See also Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma, 71.
[21] See the presentation of
Richard Haklyut and John Smith in Morison, Builders
of the Bay Colony, 3-14.
[22] See David G. Allen, In English Ways, 184.
[23] This is discussed in every
account on Plymouth or New England in general. See for instance George Langdon
Jr., Pilgrim Colony.
[24] Ibid., 14-15.
[25] A written trace would be more
lasting than the taking of an oath, even in front of witnesses. By the way, the
emergence of written documents is by no means a departure from the English
tradition of unwritten customs. In England it is laws and the constitution
which are not written in one single book, like the American Constitutions or
the French for instance. Some towns required the signatories of the covenant to
swear an oath, be they rulers or simply inhabitants, as was the case in Exeter,
New Hampshire in 1639.
[26] The high mortality rate
inherent to the precariousness of life in the wilderness would wipe out a
hundred settlers less easily than two scores.
[27] Emphasis mine.
[28] The Watertown Covenant, 1630.
[29] Emphasis mine.
[30] Emphasis mine.
[31] Emphasis mine.
[32] On the relative separatism
inherent to emigration, see Morgan, The
Puritan Dilemma, 80, and Ward, Colonial
America, 47.
[33] Emphasis mine.
[34] Escaping the corruption of
the world, which according to Morgan as well was contrary to Winthrop's
beliefs, is a recurrent theme of The
Puritan Dilemma.
[35] John Winthrop, Reasons for the Planting of New England. The shelter argument can also be
found in the much-quoted letter written to his wife Margaret in 1629. See
Emerson, Letters From New England,
41.
[36] For the idea of screening
applied to Dedham, see Lockridge, A New
England Town: The First Hundred Years, 18. See also Morgan, The Puritan Dilemma, 80, and Ward, Colonial America, 47.
[37] See Modell of Christian Charity.
[38] The Humble Request (1630) was a document meant to assure the King of
the emigrants' loyalty toward him and the Established Church.
[39] John Beardsley, editor in
chief of the Winthrop Society, a
genealogical association whose staff
can, as usual with these groups, be biased and filiopietistic, overdoing the feats
of their ancestors, and at the same time seeing their enemies as worse than
they actually were.
[40] See Winthrop's Little Speech on Liberty(1645), in which
submission was presented as something pleasant, like the loving voluntary
subjection of a wife to her husband.